Death of Politics : Chapter summaries
Reviews the gap between the electorate’s expectations of the role and functions of their MP, of their Government and of Opposition, and the reality of the House of Commons, of the roles of the members of Parliament and of the dominance of the Party and of the Executive. It speculates on the electorate’s expectations concerning: i. Party policies, ii. Parliamentary representation, iii. Opposition to the Executive, iv. The Westminster-Constituency duality, v. The MP’s work-environment, vi. Party-loyalty versus personal integrity of the MP, vii. MP selection process.
Considers the low public status of politicians. It examines the structures and procedures of the House of Commons, and the traditions of Party politics as they hinder MPs in the maintenance of high standards of integrity. Six of Nolan’s “Seven Principles of Public Life” are examined as to their applicability to the House of Commons and the Member of Parliament: i. Selflessness, ii. Integrity, iii. Objectivity, iv. Accountability, v. Openness, vi. Honesty.
Summarises the key points raised in the first two chapters, and indicates that they point to the need for serious parliamentary reform. It looks briefly at areas recommended for reform over the past hundred years under the headings of i. House-keeping changes, ii. Decentralisation of power, iii. Voting reform, iv. Reform of the relationship between the Executive and the House of Commons. An introduction is now made to the recommended agenda for reform.
An examination is attempted of the purposes and significance of political parties.
It concludes that they serve MPs primarily as vehicles for power, and voters primarily as vehicles for class hostilities, policy being secondary to these primary functions.
A brief examination of the growth and increasing power of party in the House of Commons leads to the conclusion that such power now only serves narrow and selfish political ends that are no longer relevant to, and stand in the way of, competent solutions to national problems. The recommendation is made to outlaw party from the House of Commons, which is now to house only politically independent MPs.
The House of Commons is the principle determinant of the quality of life experienced in Britain. The quality of the House’s decisions is determined by the quality of its Members. As such it is of paramount importance to ensure that great care be taken to guarantee the high quality of Members of Parliament. Future MPs should all be provably in possession of a minimum common denominator of personality characteristics deemed essential by the voting public. If the qualities are the right ones, and a competent and just screening process ensures the exclusion of all those who fail significantly to meet these qualities, the House of Commons will function more effectively to the greater benefit of the whole society. The key qualities thought to be required to achieve this nirvana are i. Integrity, ii. Humanity, iii. Pragmatism,
iv Humility, v. Intelligence, vi. Fluency, vii. Professionalism, viii. Maturity. Each of these qualities are defined and exemplified.
This chapter introduces the Office of the Guardians, a quasi-judicial body created to recruit, select and monitor Members of Parliament, and manage a number of other functions crucial to the New Polity. This Office is to be independent of Government. The chapter outlines the MP recruitment, investigation and selection procedure. The Office will run an M.I.5-type of investigative function. Recruits will agree to a complete and detailed investigation, in which no technique is considered an intrusion into privacy. Considerable safeguards are introduced to ensure prejudice and arbitrariness are eliminated from the process. Once accepted by the Office, it will nominate the successful candidates and ensure their proper presentation to the constituency electorates. ‘Guardians’ will themselves have to undergo the same investigatory process to ensure their continuance in their role. The chapter finishes with a review of the recruitment and management of the Office of the Guardians.
This chapter examines the problems currently facing MPs in their dual Westminster-Constituency role, noting the unsatisfactory effects of this duality on the competence of both roles. This leads to the recommendation of ‘ constituency pairs’, in which each constituency will be represented by two MPs, one (The Local MP) designated to live and work in the Constituency, who is to share an interest and involvement - but not the work - of her/his Westminster pair (The Sitting MP). The Sitting MP will work largely as a specialist in one of the Permanent Departmental Committees set up to manage departmental affairs both in an executive and a legislative role. The Local MP, while spending most of his life working in the constituency, will share his ‘pair’s’ PDC and will be the Westminster locum in the event of the Sitting MP’s holidays, visits overseas and so on.
Looks at the daily routine of the New House, of the role and functions of the Permanent Departmental Committees, of the Cabinet, of meetings of the Full House (just once a week, for information only) and of various other elements of the New House of Commons at work. The demise of the Office of the Speaker and of the office of the party whips is covered.
Investigates the paucity of current control mechanisms on governmental activities and considers the need for greater planning both in the short term and the long-term, together with the need for far greater use of measurable goals against which the government - and independent auditors - might determine policy achievement and effectiveness. The case is made that, without party politics and the constant need to be right - and for the need for disguise in the event of failure - measuring the effectiveness or otherwise of government policy will become normal, clear and routine. The government will undertake formal presentations of future intentions and programmes to the House and to the nation every two years, and long-term (10 year) plans and programmes every four years. Independently the Office of the Guardians will present annually to the British public ( press and TV) an audit of the effectiveness of short and long-term plans, having first made their presentations to the Cabinet and the House of Commons.
Takes a brief look at, and indicates solutions to, the transition problems involved in changing the constitution from the current House of Commons to the New House. It indicates the improbability of the acceptance and introduction of the new system in its entirety at one period of time. A schedule is outlined of the possible chronology of the thirty steps necessary to move from the current system to the full New House.